Date of Event / Case File: 01/01/1998

Case File Details

Is it possible that an advanced extraterrestrial civilization millions of years ahead of us found a way to manipulate space-time and perhaps even discovered a way to travel through time? We do not posses adequate technology to visit the past or the future, and we do now even know if such remarkable journeys can become reality, but maybe one day in the future  humans will see themselves as true time travelers.  If that’s true, then time travel already exists.

There are a huge number of incredible artifacts lying scattered across the floors of abandoned, forgotten basements of the world’s greatest natural history museums.

In the dim, dusty corners of these museums we find some of the keys to the greatest mysteries of Mankind. Strange and unlikely artifacts found, studied and discarded are more common than most people know.

Thousands of things have been discovered that argue against the natural order that scientists have deemed as the official record of the rise of humanity. Among them was the remarkable discovery of a stone embedded with a three-pronged plug that is approximately 100,000 years old.

This mysterious archaeological finding was discovered accidentally by electrical engineer John J. Williams in 1998. Like many other precious, though undervalued artifacts, it may constitute a proof that extraterrestrial visitations to the planet Earth widely influenced our ancestors, so they became advanced and civilized and walked the earth long before any of the known ancient cultures came into existence.

Based on a few, preliminary consultations with an engineer and geologist, the artifact has an appearance of an electronic component embedded in a naturally formed, solid granite stone composed of quartz and feldspar – including very small percentages of mica – already existed at the time of the formation of the rock.

In addition, it resembles an electronic XLR connector or another very similar component and reveals no trace of having been glued or welded.

It shows a weak magnetic attraction, and ohm meter readings reveal that it has a strength approaching that of an open circuit.

The three-pronged plug is held by a matrix of a thus-far indeterminable origin. The 0.3-inch diameter piece does not appear to be manufactured out of wood, plastic, rubber, metal, or some other recognizable material.

NOTE: The above image is real.

KENS NOTE:  I feel this earth has been here for millions of years and thousands of civilizations have come and gone from this earth.  When will it be our turn ?

100,000 Year Old Electrical Device Found

New Mexico, USA
Is it possible that an advanced extraterrestrial civilization millions of…
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The Egyptian Pyramids
To this day, atheistic scholars and scientists are at a loss to explain the megalithic structures and extremely advanced civilizations that existed in ancient times. These structures still stand today after thousands of years.

After the flood, much of the landscape was eroded. A landing base was needed for the Gods and the twin pyramids at Giza in Egypt were built to replicate the twin peaks of Mount Ararat.¹ Measurements were taken from the skies. The Gods also used the Pyramids to do ritual work, for magickal ceremonies and initiation rites.²

There are 365.24 cubits in the pyramid’s base. This corresponds exactly to the solar year. The sum of the base diagonals gives an approximation of the number of years in a total precession of the equinoxes. [Just short of 26,000]. The pyramid’s apex corresponds to the North Pole, the perimeter is equivalent to the equator, and its four plane surfaces accurately represent the four quadrants of the hemisphere. These measurements parallel the ley lines and magnetic fields of the Earth.

The exteriors of the great pyramids were originally covered with limestone and they shone in the Sun. The limestone has been picked off over the centuries. The Gods placed crystals inside of the pyramids. The power of the crystals produced a beam that reflected up to the sky. To this day, the electrical current at the apex of the pyramids is so powerful it has knocked men unconscious. The pyramids also reverberated from the inside to serve as a landing guide. The Gods called them the “lofty houses of eternity.”³

The pyramids were built in the Age of Leo, according to what was written by the Gods. This is the reason for the Sphinx, which has the body of a lion. The face on the Sphinx was originally that of the Egyptian God Thoth. Due to rivalry between brothers Thoth and Marduk/Amon Ra, the face was eventually changed to that of Amon Ra.4

Satan/Enki was given the “Lower World.” These were the lands beneath the equator. This included all of Egypt, though Egypt is north of the equator.5

In 1904, Aleister Crowley spent the night in one of the Pyramids. He claimed a purple light lit up the entire area inside of the pyramid. Archeologists and Egyptologists who have explored the Pyramids are at a loss to explain the absence of torch marks at a time when they believed electricity and other means of light were not yet invented. Napoleon, in the year 1798 entered one of the Pyramids. When he came back out, he was pale faced and in awe. He would never reveal what he saw as he claimed no one would ever believe him.



¹ The Lost Book of Enki: Memoirs and Prophesies of an Extra-Terrestrial God by Zecharia Sitchin

² The Ancient Secret of the Flower of Life by Drunvalo Melchezedek [These two volume books are very right hand path, but contain useful information if one can read past the Christian biased garbage].

³ The Lost Book of Enki



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published on 17 April 2014

Akhenaten (wikipedia user: Maksim)

Akhenaten (r. 1353-1336 BCE) was a pharaoh of Egypt of the 18th Dynasty. He is also known as `Akhenaton’ or `Ikhnaton’ and also `Khuenaten’, all of which are translated to mean `successful for’ or `of great use to’ the god Aten. Akhenaten chose this name for himself after his conversion to the cult of Aten. Prior to this conversion, he was known as Amenhotep IV (or Amenophis IV). He was the son of Amenhotep III and his wife Tiye, husband of Queen Nefertiti, and father of both Tutankhamun (by a lesser wife named Lady Kiya) and Tutankhamun’s wife Ankhsenamun (by Nefertiti). His reign as Amenhotep IV lasted five years during which he followed the policies of his father and the religious traditions of Egypt. However, in the fifth year, he underwent a dramatic religious transformation, changed his devotion from the cult of Amun to that of Aten, and, for the next twelve years, became famous (or infamous) as the `heretic king’ who abolished the traditional religious rites of Egypt and instituted the first known monotheistic state religion in the world and, according to some, monotheism itself. His reign is known as The Amarna Period because he moved the capital of Egypt from the traditional site at Thebes to the city he founded, Akhetaten, which came to be known as Amarna. The Amarna Period is the most controversial era in Egyptian history and has been studied, debated, and written about more than any other.

Amenhotep IV Becomes Akhenaten

Amenhotep IV may have been co-regent with his father, Amenhotep III, and it has been noted that the sun-disk known as the `Aten’ is displayed on a number of inscriptions from this period. The Aten was not new to the rule of Akhenaten and, prior to his conversion, was simply another cult among the many in ancient Egypt. It should be noted that `cult’ did not have the same meaning in this regard as it does in the present day. There was absolutely nothing negative in the designation of a community of worshippers being known as a `cult’ in ancient Egypt. It carried the same meaning then as a member of the Christian community today being designated a Baptist, a Lutheran, a Presbyterian, or Catholic or Eastern Orthodox. The gods and practices of the various cults all represented the same end: eternal harmony and balance.

Akhenaten’s religious reforms may have been the first ever instance of monotheism.

Amenhotep III ruled over a land whose priesthood, centered on the god Amun, had been steadily growing in power for centuries. By the time Amenhotep IV came to power, the priests of Amun were on almost equal standing with the royal house in wealth and influence. The historian Lewis Spence writes, “With the exception of Ra and Osiris, the worship of Amun was more widespread than that of any other god in the Nile Valley; but the circumstances behind the growth of his cult certainly point to its having been disseminated by political rather than religious propaganda” (137). By the time of Amenhotep IV, the Cult of Amun owned more land than the king. In the 5th year of his reign, Amenhotep IV outlawed the old religion and proclaimed himself the living incarnation of a single, all-powerful, deity known as Aten and, by the 9th year, he had closed all the temples and suppressed religious practices. The historian Barbara Watterson writes:

By the ninth year of his reign, Akhenaten had proscribed the old gods of Egypt, and ordered their temples to be closed, a very serious matter, for these institutions played an important part in the economic and social life of the country. Religious persecution was new to the Egyptians, who had always worshipped many deities and were ever ready to add new gods to the pantheon. Atenism, however, was a very exclusive religion confined to the royal family, with the king as the only mediator between man and god (111-112).

Amenhotep moved his seat of power from the traditional palace at Thebes to one he built at the city he founded, Akhetaten, changed his name to Akhenaten, and continued the religious reforms which resulted in his being despised as `the heretic king’ by some later writers while admired as a champion of monotheism by others.

Akhenaten’s Monotheism

Some historians have praised Akhenaten’s reforms as the first instance of monotheism and the benefits of monotheistic belief; but these reforms were not at all beneficial to the people of Egypt at the time. The historian Durant, for example, writes that Akhenaten’s reforms were “the first out-standing expression of monotheism – seven hundred years before Isaiah [of the Bible] and an astounding advance upon the old tribal deities” (210). Those `old tribal deities’ of Egypt, however, had encouraged peace, harmony, and the development of one of the greatest ancient cultures the world has ever known. The polytheism of the ancient Egyptians encouraged a world view where peace and balance were emphasized and religious tolerance was not considered an issue; there is not even a word directly corresponding to the concept of `religious tolerance’ in the ancient Egyptian texts. A hallmark of any monotheistic belief system, however, is that it encourages the belief that, in order for it to be right, other systems must necessarily be wrong; and this insistence on being the sole administrator of ultimate truth leads to intolerance of other beliefs and their suppression; this is precisely what happened in Egypt. The names of the god Amun and the other gods were chiseled from monuments throughout Egypt, the temples were closed, and the old practices outlawed. The Egyptologist Zahi Hawass writes:

Dating to this point in Akhenaten’s reign was a campaign to excise the name of gods other than the Aten, especially Amun, from the monuments of Egypt. This was done with violence: hieroglyphs were brutally hacked from the walls of temples and tombs. This was probably carried out, at least in part, by illiterate iconoclasts, presumably following the orders of their king. [Akhenaten] carried out a religious revolution the like of which had never been seen before in Egypt. His reign represents a significant departure from religious, artistic, and political norms (42-43).

Priests of Amun who had the time and resources hid statuary and texts from the palace guards sent to destroy them and then abandoned their temple complexes. Akhenaten ordained new priests, or simply forced priests of Amun into the service of his new monotheism, and proclaimed himself and his queen gods.

Neglecting Egypt’s Allies

The pharaoh as a servant of the gods, and identified with a certain god (usually Osiris), was common practice in ancient Egypt but no one before Akhenaten had proclaimed himself an actual god incarnate. One of the many unfortunate results of Akhenaten’s religious reforms was a neglect of foreign policy. From documents and letters of the time it is known that other nations, formerly allies, wrote numerous times asking Egypt for help in various affairs and that most of these requests were ignored by the deified king. Egypt was a wealthy and prosperous nation at the time and had been steadily growing in power since before the reign of Queen Hatshepsut (1479-1458 BCE). Hatshepsut and her successors, such as Tuthmosis III, employed a balanced approach of diplomacy and military action in dealing with foreign nations; Akhenaten chose simply to largely ignore what happened beyond the borders of Egypt and, it seems, most things outside of his palace at Akhetaten. Watterson notes that Ribaddi (Rib-Hadda), king of Byblos, who was one of Egypt’s most loyal allies, sent over fifty letters to Akhenaten asking for help in fighting off Abdiashirta (also known as Aziru) of Amor (Amurru) but these all went unanswered and Byblos was lost to Egypt (112). Tushratta, the king of Mitanni, who had also been a close ally of Egypt, complained that Amenhotep III had sent him statues of gold while Akhenaten only sent gold-plated statues.

The Amarna Letters

The Amarna Letters, (correspondence found in the city of Amarna between the kings of Egypt and those of foreign nations) which provide evidence of Akhenaten’s negligence, also show him to have a keen sense of foreign policy when the situation interested him. He strongly rebuked Abdiashirta for his actions against Ribaddi and for his friendship with the Hittites who were then Egypt’s enemy. This no doubt had more to do with his desire to keep friendly the buffer states between Egypt and the Land of the Hatti (Canaan and Syria, for example, which were under Abdiashirta’s influence) than any sense of justice for the death of Ribaddi and the taking of Byblos. There is no doubt that his attention to this problem served the interests of the state but, as other similar issues were ignored, it seems that he only chose those situations which interested him personally. Akhenaten had Abdiashirta brought to Egypt and imprisoned for a year until Hittite advances in the north compelled his release but there seems a marked difference between his letters dealing with this situation and other king’s correspondence on similar matters.

While there are, then, examples of Akhenaten looking after state affairs, there are more which substantiate the claim of his disregard for anything other than his religious reforms and life in the palace. It should be noted, however, that this is a point hotly debated among scholars in the modern day, as is the whole of the so-called Amarna Period of Akhenaten’s rule. Regarding this, Hawass writes, “More has been written on this period in Egyptian history than any other and scholars have been known to come to blows, or at least to major episodes of impoliteness, over their conflicting opinions” (35). The preponderance of the evidence, both from the Amarna letters and from Tutankhamun’s later decree, as well as archaeological indications, strongly suggests that Akhenaten was a very poor ruler as far as his subjects and vassal states were concerned and his reign, in the words of Hawass, was “an inward-focused regime that had lost interest in its foreign policy” (45).

Any evidence that Akhenaten involved himself in matters outside of his city at Akhetaten always comes back to self-interest rather than state-interest. Hawass writes:

Akhenaten did not, however, abandon the rest of the country and retire exclusively to Akhetaten. When he laid out his city, he also commanded that a series of boundary stelae be carved in the cliffs surrounding the site. Among other things, these state that if he were to die outside of his home city, his body should be brought back and buried in the tomb that was being prepared for him in the eastern cliffs. There is evidence that, as Amenhotep IV, he carried out building projects in Nubia, and there were temples to the Aten in Memphis and Heliopolis, and possibly elsewhere as well (45).

Akhetaten & Amarna Art

Life in his palace at Akhetaten seems to have been his primary concern. The city was built on virgin land in the middle of Egypt facing towards the east and precisely positioned to direct the rays of the morning sun toward temples and doorways. The city was:

Laid out parallel to the river, its boundaries marked by stelae carved into the cliffs ringing the site. The king himself took responsibility for its cosmologically significant master plan. In the center of his city, the king built a formal reception palace where he could meet officials and foreign dignitaries. The palaces in which he and his family lived were to the north and a road led from the royal dwelling to the reception palace. Each day, Akhenaten and Nefertiti processed in their chariots from one end of the city to the other, mirroring the journey of the sun across the sky. In this, as in many other aspects of their lives that have come to us through art and texts, Akhenaten and Nefertiti were seen, or at least saw themselves, as deities in their own right. It was only through them that the Aten could be worshipped: they were both priests and gods (Hawass, 39).

The art Hawass references is another important deviation of the Amarna Period from earlier and later Egyptian eras. Unlike the images from other dynasties of Egyptian history, the art from the Amarna Period depicts the royal family with elongated necks and arms and spindly legs. Scholars have theorized that perhaps the king “suffered from a genetic disorder called Marfan’s syndrome” (Hawass, 36) which would account for these depictions of him and his family as so lean and seemingly oddly-proportioned. A much more likely reason for this style of art, however, is the king’s religious beliefs. The Aten was seen as the one true god who presided over all and infused all living things. It was envisioned as a sun disk whose rays ended in hands touching and caressing those on earth. Perhaps, then, the elongation of the figures in these images was meant to show human transformation when touched by the power of the Aten. The famous Stele of Akhenaten, depicting the royal family, shows the rays of the Aten touching them all and each of them, even Nefertiti, depicted with the same elongation as the king. To consider these images as realistic depictions of the royal family, afflicted with some disorder, seems to be a mistake in that there would be no reason for Nefertiti to share in the king’s supposed disorder. The depiction, then, could illustrate Akhenaten and Nefertiti as those who had been transformed to god-like status by their devotion to the Aten to such an extent that their faith is seen even in their children.

The other aspect of Amarna Period art which differentiates it from earlier and later periods is the intimacy of the images, best exemplified in the Stele of Akhenaten showing the family enjoying each other’s company in a private moment. Images of pharaohs before and after this period depict the ruler as a solitary figure engaged in hunting or battle or standing in the company of a god or his queen in dignity and honor. This can also be explained as stemming from Akhenaten’s religious beliefs in that the Aten, not the pharaoh, was the most important consideration (as in the Stele of Akhenaten, it is the Aten disk, not the family, which is the center of the composition) and, under the influence of the Aten’s love and grace, the pharaoh and his family thrives.

Akhenaten’s Monotheism & Legacy

This image of the Aten as an all-powerful, all-loving, deity, supreme creator and sustainer of the universe, is thought to have had a potent influence on the later development of monotheistic religious faith. Whether Akhenaten was motivated by a political agenda to suppress the power of the Cult of Amun or if he experienced a true religious revelation, he was the first on record to envision a single, supreme deity who cared for the individual lives and fates of human beings. Sigmund Freud, in his 1939 work Moses and Monotheism, argues that Moses was an Egyptian who had been an adherent of the Cult of Aten and was driven from Egypt following Akhenaten’s death and the return to the old religious paradigm. Freud quotes from James Henry Breasted, the noted archaeologist, that:

It is important to notice that his name, Moses, was Egyptian. It is simply the Egyptian word `mose’ meaning `child’, and is an abridgement of a fuller form of such names as `Amen-mose’ meaning `Amon-a-child’ or `Ptah-mose’ meaning `Ptah-a-child’…and the name Mose, `child’, is not uncommon on the Egyptian monuments (5).

Freud recognizes that the Cult of Aten existed long before Akhenaten raised it to prominence but points out that Akhenaten added a component unknown previously in religious belief: “He added the something new that turned into monotheism, the doctrine of a universal god: the quality of exclusiveness” (24). The Greek philosopher Xenophanes would later experience a similar vision that the many gods of the Greek city-states were vain imaginings and there was only one true god and, though he shared this vision through his poetry, he never established the belief as a revolutionary new way of understanding oneself and the universe. Whether one regards Akhenaten as a hero or villain in Egypt’s history, his elevation of the Aten to supremacy changed not only that nation’s history, but the course of world civilization.

To those who came after him in Egypt, however, he was the `heretic king’ and `the enemy’ whose memory needed to be eradicated. His son, Tutankhamun (reigned 1336-1327 BCE) was given the name Tutankhaten at birth but changed his name upon ascending the throne to reflect his rejection of Atenism and his return of the country to the ways of Amun and the old gods. Tutankhamun’s successors Ay (1327-1323 BCE) and, especially, Horemheb (c. 1320-1292 BCE) tore down the temples and monuments built by Akhenaten to honor his god and had his name, and the names of his immediate successors, stricken from the record. In fact, Akhenaten was unknown in Egyptian history until the discovery of Amarna in the 19th century CE. Horemheb’s inscriptions listed him as the successor to Amenhoptep III and made no mention of the rulers of the Amarna Period. Akhenaten’s tomb was uncovered by the great archaeologist Flinders Petrie in 1907 CE and Tutankhamun’s tomb, more famously, by Howard Carter in 1922 CE. Interest in Tutankhamun spread to the family of the `golden king’ and so attention was brought to bear again on Akhenaten after almost 4,000 years. His legacy of monotheism, however, if Freud and others are correct, was a part of the world’s culture since he instituted what remains a potent aspect of daily life in the present day.

About the Author

Joshua J. Mark

A freelance writer and part-time Professor of Philosophy at Marist College, New York, Joshua J. Mark has lived in Greece and Germany and traveled through Egypt. He teaches ancient history, writing, literature, and philosophy.

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Orion more than a constellation


It’s a global phenomenon. The Orion constellation is a pattern of stars that is repeated in monuments throughout the ancient world, from Egypt to Mexico, this constellation has been the center of the skies for our ancestors, but why was Orion so important to the ancient civilizations? why are monuments, such as the Pyramids of Egypt mapped in such a way that these constructions mimic the skies?

The whole city of Teotihuacán seems to be aligned astronomically. It is consistently oriented 15 to 25 degrees east of true north, and the front wall of the Pyramid of the Sun is exactly perpendicular to the point on the horizon where the sun sets on the equinoxes. The rest of the ceremonial buildings were laid out at right angles to the Pyramid of the Sun. The Avenue of the Dead points at the setting of the Pleiades.

Another alignment is to the dog star Sirius, sacred to the ancient Egyptians, which has led some to suggest a link between the great pyramids of Egypt and Mexico. Orion, more than a constellation, s global phenomena.

The Orion constellation

Orion is clearly visible in the night sky from November to February. Orion is in the southwest sky if you are in the Northern Hemisphere or the northwestern sky if you are in the Southern Hemisphere. It is best seen between latitudes 85 and -75 degrees. Its right ascension is 5 hours, and its declination is 5 degrees. Alnilam, Mintaka and Alnitak, which form Orion’s belt, are the most prominent stars in the Orion constellation. Betelgeuse, the second brightest star in Orion, establishes the right shoulder of the hunter. Bellatrix serves as Orion’s left shoulder.

The Orion Nebula—a formation of dust, hydrogen, helium and other ionized gases rather than a star—is the middle “star” in Orion’s sword, which hangs off of Orion’s Belt. The Horsehead Nebula is also nearby. Other stars in the constellation include Hatsya, which establishes the tip of Orion’s sword that hangs off the belt, and Meissa, which forms Orion’s head. Saiph serves as Orion’s right knee. Rigel forms the hunter’s left knee.

Orion and the constellation Cygnus and may others ( a northern constellation lying on the plane of the Milky Way. Its name is the Latinized Hellenic (Greek) word for swan. One of the most recognizable constellations of the northern summer and autumn, it features a prominent asterism known as the Northern Cross) have been so important to all of these ancient civilizations and somehow this importance is linked to where we came from and probably where we’re going.

In 2006 The Hubble Space Telescope captured a never-before-seen images of the Orion Nebula– a massive star formation 1,500 light-years from Earth. The panoramic photo reveals more than 3,000 stars in various stages of life and gives researchers new insight into the formation of celestial objects and planetary systems and according to modern scientists, it is here, in this mysterious cloud of dust and gas, that stars and planets may have been created billions of years ago.

Astronomers usually refer to it as M42 and it is there where stars are being born, so the Orion constellation is one of the most prominent star formations in the night sky and has been revered by ancient cultures around the globe for thousands of years. Named after the Greek demigod Orion in the 8th century B.C., when connected, the stars form the head, shoulders, belt and feet of a man and according to Greek mythology, Orion was a giant born with superhuman abilities, a mighty hunter who killed animals with an unbreakable bronze club. When the Greek hero was eventually slain, he was placed among the stars for eternity. His father was Poseidon.

teotihuacan and orion

According to Egyptian mythology, the gods descended from the belt of Orion and Sirius– the brightest star in the sky. The ancient Egyptian civilization firmly believed that from Sirius and Orion beings came in the form of humans– Osiris and Isis and they instigated the human race.

Sirius and Orion are critically important because they represent Isis and Osiris, the god and goddess from which all of Egyptian civilization and, ultimately, all of human civilization, supposedly sprang. The ancient Egyptians were very clear and we find evidence in writings that Orion was linked with creation, Orion and Osiris are the same in ancient Egypt and the Egyptians believed that Osiris will return from Orion one day, and not only in Egypt we find tales of “Gods” promising to return and we can find this practically in every culture in antiquity which had the knowledge of somebody who would return one day.  The concept that the three pyramids at Giza are in a special alignment of Orion’s Belt is amazing. Why does the Great Pyramid have air shafts that point to Orion? These are just some of the question that– until today, do not have a clear answer.

If we move 500 miles south of Cairo, we will find on a desolate plain in the eastern region of the Sahara Desert the mysterious archaeological site known as Nabta Playa.  Discovered by a team of scientists in 1974, researchers believe the stones scattered here were once part of a vast ritual center for an ancient civilization that thrived from 6400 to 3400 B.C., just before the rise of the Egyptians. Nabta Playa is different it wasn’t a settlement. One of the centerpieces is a circle that has been called the “mini Stonehenge of the desert.” For more than three decades, this circular stone structure and its intricate alignment to the stars of the Orion constellation have baffled archaeologists. The builders of Nabta Playa seem to be aware of a level of physics and understandings of mathematics that allowed them to build these structures in relation to the Orion constellation.

Engineer Robert Bauval and astrophysicist Thomas Brophy have studied the configuration of this mysterious monument for more than ten years, in their book Black Genesis they suggest the stone circle is a star-viewing diagram that aligns with the belt stars of Orion at the summer solstice. The calendar circle is this smaller stone arrangement, and the calendar circle represents a diagram that teaches how the sky moves long-term.  So what we’re looking at right here is a small mock-up of the actual calendar circle of Nabta Playa.

According to mainstream scientists, radiocarbon dating indicates the site was constructed nearly 7,000 years ago. Taking this time frame into account, Brophy studied the positioning of the gates and the center stones, and discovered that it was then, in 4900 B.C., when three of the center stones lined up precisely with three of the brightest stars in the constellation of Orion.


Just 35 miles northeast of Mexico City lie the ruins of Teotihuacán, an ancient city once inhabited by more than 150,000 people. Researchers believe the impressive structures here including two large pyramids and a temple were built in the second century B.C. and like the Egyptian pyramids of Giza, the monuments point directly to the three stars of Orion’s Belt. This is not coincidental, there is just so much evidence and Orion is clearly an important location in the skies to the Civilization in America and Africa. The layout of the pyramids of Teotihuacán are in the formation of Orion’s Belt its clear as water. They say it is a point of creation. And history tells us  that in 3114 B.C., the gods came from the heavens to Earth in a convention, and this convention occurred in Teotihuacán.

orions belt orientation pyramidsThe construction of Teotihuacán was attributed to the Quinametzin Giants; Quinametzin(Náhuatl), a race of giants who, legend says, populated the world during the previous era and whose survivors were hidden in those days. “The Quinametzin were created during the era of the “Sun of Rain” and its ruler was Tlaloc. His rule ended when Quetzalcóatl made ​​“rain fire” and the Quinametzin burned to death.”

Also what is incredably interesting is that the pyramids in Teotihuacán reflect the position of Computer chips. “The city layout resembles a computer circuit board with 2 large processor chips. The pyramid of the Sun and the Moon are connected by the long, now called Avenue of the Death, that runs from the North to the South. There is another avenue, of equal length, that runs from East to West. Along the avenue, there are a series of open courtyards with small platforms. The courtyards are 475.72ft./145 m. wide. There are numerous similarities to the pyramids of Giza, in Egypt using the same mathematics as in the Giza plateau. The base of the Great pyramid and the one of the Sun in México measures 750 square feet. The pyramid of the Sun is exactly half as tall as the pyramid of Giza.” –  History Channel

Another amazing site which has a direct connection to the Orion constellation is located in northeastern Arizona. Here the Native American Hopi tribe has called these peaks of the Colorado plateau home for more than 1,000 years. High above the Arizona desert, their reservation, encompassing more than 1.5 million acres, consists of 12 villages.   According to research both the Hopi landscape and the tribe’s mythology are centered on Orion.

hopiandorionThe Hopi migrated all over the Southwest and after a series of building villages and abandoning these villages, they came to these three primary mesas in Northern Arizona. They call them first, second and third mesas. The Hopi mesas shape Orion’s Belt image and it is said that the Hopi specifically came here because of the shape, so  we know for sure that the Hopi were extremely interested in Orion’s Belt and for them his was the center of their universe. They say it is a place where they can make contact with the gods and according to some researchers, not only do the three mesas represent the stars in Orion’s Belt, but when connected to other Hopi landmarks throughout the Southwest, the collective sites map the entire body of the Orion constellation.

hoppi and orion

Every major star of the constellation corresponds to a ruin site or a village that the Hopi are currently living in. When we take a look at the left shoulder of Orion we find a  place called Wupatki, it’s north of Flagstaff, Arizona the Hopi built this ruin about 1,120 A.D. Then we find another place called Homolovi ruin by Winslow, Arizona, this one corresponds to the right shoulder of Orion and the star Betelgeuse and the Hopi also settled up north of the mesas and here we find that the sites correspond to the star Rigel. So we can find a whole complex of villages that corresponds to the right foot of Orion the star Saiph. Coincidence? I don’t think so.

If you look at the Sumerian, the Egyptian, the stories of the Maya, if you look at all these cultures, what you’ll see is the same story told in different ways in different languages. Those who came from the stars came here, and they started human civilization. And what is incredible is that all of these stories, legends and tales have to do directly with the constellation of Orion, and having said that, it cannot be a coincidence.

What we need to do is focus our research into Orion, we need to try and understand why the ancient civilizations that ruled the world, thousands of years ago, gave so much importance to this constellation that they decided to build monuments, and cities depicting the stars on the ground. We need to study the history and look for further evidence now that we have the technology that will allow us to obtain answers to hundreds if not thousand’s of questions that the human race has in regards of the origin and the purpose of life altogether.


Ivan is a freelance writer, editor-in-chief of ancient-code.com, he also writes for EWAO, Share Knowledge, Svemir Online and Ancient Origins.History, Archaeology, Space and world’s mysteries are some of the topics he writes about.

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Dogon people

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dogon people
Dogon people, Mali
Total population
(400,000 to 800,000)
Regions with significant populations
Dogon languages
African Traditional Religion, Islam

The Dogon are an ethnic group living in the central plateau region of the country of Mali, in Western Africa, south of the Niger bend, near the city of Bandiagara, in the Mopti region. The population numbers between 400,000 and 800,000.[1]

The Dogon are best known for their religious traditions, their mask dances, wooden sculpture and their architecture. The past century has seen significant changes in the social organization, material culture and beliefs of the Dogon, partly because Dogon country is one of Mali’s major tourist attractions.

A Dogon hunter with a flintlock rifle, 2010.


Geography and history

Dogon dwelling on the Bandiagara Escarpment.

The principal Dogon area is bisected by the Bandiagara Escarpment, a sandstone cliff of up to 500 m (1,640 ft) high, stretching about 150 km (90 miles). To the southeast of the cliff, the sandy Séno-Gondo Plains are found, and northwest of the cliff are the Bandiagara Highlands. Historically, Dogon villages were established in the Bandiagara area in consequence of the Dogon people’s collective refusal to convert to Islam a thousand years ago.[2]

Dogon insecurity in the face of these historical pressures caused them to locate their villages in defensible positions along the walls of the escarpment. The other factor influencing their choice of settlement location is water. The Niger River is nearby and in the sandstone rock, a rivulet runs at the foot of the cliff at the lowest point of the area during the wet season.

Among the Dogon several oral traditions have been recorded as to their origin. One relates to their coming from Mande, located to the southwest of the Bandiagara escarpment near Bamako. According to this oral tradition, the first Dogon settlement was established in the extreme southwest of the escarpment at Kani-Na.[3][4] Archaeological and ethnoarchaeological studies in the Dogon region were especially revealing about the settlement and environmental history, and about social practices and technologies in this area over several thousands of years.[5][6][7]

Over time the Dogon moved north along the escarpment, arriving in the Sanga region in the 15th century.[8] Other oral histories place the origin of the Dogon to the west beyond the river Niger, or tell of the Dogon coming from the east. It is likely that the Dogon of today combine several groups of diverse origin who migrated to escape Islamization.[9]

It is often difficult to distinguish between pre-Muslim practices and later practices, though Islamic law classified them and many other ethnicities of the region, (Mossi, Gurma, Bobo, Busa and the Yoruba) as being within the non-canon dar al-harb and consequently fair game for slave raids organized by merchants.[10] As the growth of cities increased, the demand for slaves across the region of West Africa also increased. The historical pattern has included the murder of indigenous males by Islamic raiders and enslavement of women and children.[11]

Dogon art

Main article: African art § Dogon

A Dogon wood sculpture, probably an ancestor figure, 17th–18th century.

Dogon art is primarily sculpture. Dogon art revolves around religious values, ideals, and freedoms (Laude, 19). Dogon sculptures are not made to be seen publicly, and are commonly hidden from the public eye within the houses of families, sanctuaries, or kept with the Hogon (Laude, 20). The importance of secrecy is due to the symbolic meaning behind the pieces and the process by which they are made.

Themes found throughout Dogon sculpture consist of figures with raised arms, superimposed bearded figures, horsemen, stools with caryatids, women with children, figures covering their faces, women grinding pearl millet, women bearing vessels on their heads, donkeys bearing cups, musicians, dogs, quadruped-shaped troughs or benches, figures bending from the waist, mirror-images, aproned figures, and standing figures (Laude, 46–52).

Signs of other contacts and origins are evident in Dogon art. The Dogon people were not the first inhabitants of the cliffs of Bandiagara. Influence from Tellem art is evident in Dogon art because of its rectilinear designs (Laude, 24).

Culture and religion

The blind Dogon elder, Ogotemmêli, taught the main symbols of the Dogon religion to the French anthropologist Marcel Griaule in October 1946.[12] Griaule had lived amongst the Dogon people for fifteen years before this meeting with Ogotemmêli had taken place. Ogotemmêli taught Griaule the religious stories in the same way that Ogotemmêli had learned them from his father and grandfather; instruction which he had learned over the course of more than twenty years.[13] What makes the record so important from a historical perspective is that the Dogon people were still living in their oral culture at the time their religion was recorded. They were one of the last people in Africa to lose their independence and come under French rule.[12]

The Dogon people with whom the French anthropologists Griaule and Germaine Dieterlen worked with during the 1930s and 40s had a system of signs which ran into the thousands, including “their own systems of astronomy and calendrical measurements, methods of calculation and extensive anatomical and physiological knowledge, as well as a systematic pharmacopoeia.”[14] The religion embraced many aspects of nature, which some researchers associate with an African Traditional Religion.

The key spiritual figures in the religion were the Nummo/Nommo twins. According to Ogotemmêli’s description of them, the Nummo, whom he also referred to as the Serpent, were amphibians that were often compared to serpents, lizards, chameleons, and occasionally even sloths (because of their being slow moving and having a shapeless neck). They were also described as fish capable of walking on land; while they were on land, the Nummo stood upright on their tails. The Nummos’ skin was primarily green, but, like the chameleon, it sometimes changed colours. It was said to at times have all the colours of the rainbow.[15]

In other instances the Nummo were referred to as “Water Spirits.”[16] Although the Nummo were identified as being “Dieu d’eau” (Gods of Water) by Marcel Griaule, Ogotemmêli identified the Nummo as hermaphrodites and they appeared on the female side of the Dogon sanctuary.”[17] They were primarily symbolized by the sun, which was a female symbol in the religion. In the Dogon language, the sun’s name, (nay), had the same root as “mother,” (na), and “cow,” (nā).[18] They were symbolized by the colour red, a female symbol.

It was the problem of “twin births” versus “single births,” or androgyny versus single-sexed beings, that contributed to a disorder at the beginning of time. This theme became a significant basis of the Dogon religion. “The jackal was alone from birth,” said Ogotemmêli, “and because of this he did more things than can be told.”[19] Dogon males were primarily associated with the single sexed male Jackal and the Sigui festival, which was associated with death on the Earth. It was held once every sixty years and celebrated the white dwarf star Sirius B. The colour white was a symbol of males. The ritual language, “Sigi so,” or “language of the Sigui,” which was taught to male dignitaries of the Society of the Masks, (“awa”), was considered a poor language, and only contained about a quarter of the vocabulary of “Dogo so,” the Dogon word language. The “Sigi so” was used to tell the story of creation of the universe, of human life, and the advent of death on the Earth, during funeral ceremonies and the rites of the “end of mourning” (“dama”).[20]

It was because of the birth of the single-sexed male Jackal, who was born without a soul, that all humans eventually had to be turned into single-sexed beings. This was to prevent a being like the Jackal from ever being born on Earth again. “The Nummo foresaw that the original rule of twin births was bound to disappear, and that errors might result comparable to those of the jackal, whose birth was single. For it was because of his solitary state that the first son of God acted as he did.”[19] The removal of the second sex and soul from humans is what the ritual of circumcision represents in the Dogon religion. “The dual soul is a danger; a man should be male, and a woman female. Circumcision and excision are once again the remedy.”[21]

The Dogon religion was centered on this loss of twinness or androgyny. Griaule describes it in this passage:

“Most of the conversations with Ogotemmêli had indeed turned largely on twins and on the need for duality and the doubling of individual lives. The Eight original Ancestors were really eight pairs… But after this generation, human beings were usually born single. Dogon religion and Dogon philosophy both expressed a haunting sense of the original loss of twin-ness. The heavenly Powers themselves were dual, and in their Earthly manifestations they constantly intervened in pairs…”[22]

The birth of human twins was celebrated in the Dogon culture in Griaule’s day because it recalled the “fabulous past, when all beings came into existence in twos, symbols of the balance between humans and the divine.” According to Griaule, the celebration of twin-births was a cult that extended all over Africa.[22]

Today, a significant minority of the Dogon practice Islam. Another minority practice Christianity. Today the Dogon record their ancestry through a patrilineal system. Each Dogon community, or enlarged family, is headed by one male elder. This chief head is the oldest living son of the ancestor of the local branch of the family. According to the NECEP database, within this patrilineal system polygynous marriages with up to four wives can occur.

Most men, however, have only one wife, and it is rare for a man to have more than two wives. Formally, wives only join their husband’s household after the birth of their first child. Women may leave their husbands early in their marriage, before the birth of their first child. After having children, divorce is a rare and serious matter, and it requires the participation of the whole village. An enlarged family can count up to a hundred persons and is called guinna.

The Dogon are strongly oriented toward harmony, which is reflected in many of their rituals. For instance, in one of their most important rituals, the women praise the men, the men thank the women, the young express appreciation for the old, and the old recognize the contributions of the young. Another example is the custom of elaborate greetings whenever one Dogon meets another. This custom is repeated over and over, throughout a Dogon village, all day.

During a greeting ritual, the person who has entered the contact answers a series of questions about his or her whole family, from the person who was already there. The answer is sewa, which means that everything is fine. Then the Dogon who has entered the contact repeats the ritual, asking the resident how his or her whole family is. Because the word sewa is so commonly repeated throughout a Dogon village, neighboring peoples have dubbed the Dogon the sewa people.


The Hogon is the spiritual leader of the village. He is elected from among the oldest men of the enlarged families of the village. After his election he has to follow a six-month initiation period, during which he is not allowed to shave or wash. He wears white clothes and nobody is allowed to touch him. A young virgin that has not yet had her period takes care of him, cleans the house and prepares his meals. She returns to her home at night.

A mud mosque and minaret.

After his initiation, he wears a red fez. He has an armband with a sacred pearl that symbolises his function. The virgin is replaced by one of his wives, but she also returns to her home at night. The Hogon has to live alone in his house. The Dogon believe the sacred snake Lébé comes during the night to clean him and to transfer wisdom.


The Dogon maintain an agricultural mode of subsistence, and cultivate pearl millet, sorghum and rice, as well as onions, tobacco, peanuts, and some other vegetables. Marcel Griaule stimulated the construction of a dam near Sangha and incited the Dogon to cultivate onions. The economy of the Sangha region has doubled since then, and its onions are sold as far as the market of Bamako and even Ivory Coast. They also raise sheep, goats, and chickens. Grain is stored in granaries.


Cave paintings depicting circumcisions.

In Dogon thought, male and females are born with both sexual components. The clitoris is considered male, while the foreskin is considered to be female.[23] (Originally, for the Dogon, man was endowed with a dual soul, and circumcision eliminates the superfluous one.[24] Rites of circumcision thus allow each sex to assume its proper physical identity. Boys are circumcised in age groups of three years, counting for example all boys between 9 and 12 years old. This marks the end of their youth, and they are now initiated.

The blacksmith performs the circumcision. Afterwards, they stay for a few days in a hut separated from the rest of the village people, until the wound has healed. The circumcision is a reason for celebration and the initiated boys go around and receive presents. They make music on a special instrument that is made of a rod of wood and calabashes that makes the sound of a rattle.

The village of Songho has a circumcision cave ornamented with red and white rock paintings of animals and plants. Nearby is a cave where music instruments are stored. The newly circumcised men must walk around naked for a month after the procedure so that their achievement in age can be admired by the citizens of the tribe. This practice has been passed down for generations and is always followed, even during winter.

They are one of several African ethnic groups that practices female genital mutilation. The majority of the Dogon women practice a class 2 circumcision, meaning that both the clitoris and the labia minora are removed. Girls are circumcised around the age of 7 or 8 years, sometimes younger. Circumcision for both male and female is seen as necessary for the individual to gain gender. Before circumcision they are seen as ‘neuter’.

Funeral masquerade

Due to the expense, their traditional funeral rituals or “damas” are becoming very rare. They may be performed years after the death. Damas that are still performed today are not usually performed for their original intent, but instead are done as a source of entertainment for tourists interested in the Dogon way of life. The Dogon use this entertainment to gain profit by charging the tourists money for what masks they want to see and the ritual itself (Davis, 68).

The traditional dama consists of a masquerade that essentially leads the souls of the departed to their final resting places through a series of ritual dances and rites. Dogon damas include the use of many masks which they wore by securing them in their teeth, and statuettes. Each Dogon village may differ in the designs of the masks used in the dama ritual. Every village may have their own way of performing the dama rituals. The dama consists of an event, known as the Halic, immediately after the death of a person and lasts for one day (Davis, 68).

According to Shawn R. Davis, this particular ritual incorporates the elements of the yingim and the danyim. During the yincomoli ceremony, a gourd is smashed over the deceased’s wooden bowl, hoe, and bundukamba, (burial blanket), which announces the entrance of the masks used in this ceremony, while the deceased entrance to their home in the family compound is decorated with ritual elements (Davis, 72–73).

Masks used during the yincomoli ceremony include the Yana Gulay mask, the Satimbe mask, the Sirigie mask, and the Kanaga mask. The Yana Gulay mask’s purpose is to impersonate a Fulani woman, and is made from cotton cloth and cowell shells. The Satimbe mask represents the women ancestors, who are said to have discovered the purpose of the masks by guiding the spirits of the deceased into the afterlife. (Davis, 74) The Sirigie mask is a tall mask that is only used in funerals for the men that were alive during the holding of the Sigui ceremony (see below) (Davis, 68). The Kanaga masqueraders, at one point, dance and sit next to the bundkamba, which represents the deceased.

The yingim and the danyim rituals each last a few days. These events are held annually to honor the elders that have died since the last Dama. The yingim consists of the sacrifice of cows, or other valuable animals, and large mock battles performed in order to help chase the spirit, known as the nyama, from the deceased body and village, and towards the path to the afterlife (Davis, 68).

The danyim then takes place a couple of months later. During the danyim, masqueraders perform dances every morning and evening for anytime up to six days depending on how that village performs this ritual. The masqueraders dance on the deceased’s rooftops, throughout the village, and the area of fields around the village (Davis, 68). Until the masqueraders have completed their dances, and every ritual has been performed, it is said that any misfortune can be blamed on the remaining spirits of the dead (Davis, 68).


Crocodile Totem

Dogon society is composed of several different sects:

  • The Amma sect: worships the highest creator god Amma. The celebration is once a year and consists of offering boiled millet on the conical altar of Amma, colouring it white. All other sects are directed to the god Amma.
  • Sigui: the most important ceremony of the Dogon. It takes place every 60 years, and can take several years. The last one started in 1967 and ended in 1973; the next one will start in 2027. The Sigui ceremony symbolises the death of the first ancestor (not to be confused with Lébé) until the moment that humanity acquired the use of the spoken word. The Sigui is a long procession that starts and ends in the village of Youga Dogorou and goes from one village to the other during several months or years. All men wear masks and dance in long processions. The Sigui has a secret language, Sigui So, that women are not allowed to learn. The secret Society of Sigui plays a central role in the ceremony. They prepare the ceremonies a long time in advance, and they live for three months hidden outside of the villages while nobody is allowed to see them. The men from the Society of Sigui are called the Olubaru. The villagers are afraid of them, and fear is cultivated by a prohibition to go out at night, when sounds warn that the Olubaru are out. The most important mask that plays a major role in the Sigui rituals is the Great Mask or the Mother of Masks. It is several meters long and is just held up by hand and not used to hide a face. This mask is newly created every 60 years.
  • The Lébé sect: worships the ancestor Lébé Serou, the first mortal human being, who, in Dogon myth, was transformed into a snake. The celebration takes place once a year and lasts for three days. The altar is a pointed conic structure on which the Hogon offers boiled millet while mentioning in his benediction eight grains plus one. Afterwards, the Hogon performs some rituals in his house that is also the home of Lébé. The last day, all the village men visit all the Binou altars and dance three times around the Lébé altar. The Hogon invites everybody that assisted to drink the millet beer.
  • The Binou sect: uses totems, common ones for the entire village, and individual ones for totem priests. A totem animal is worshipped on a Binou altar. Totems are, for example, the buffalo for Ogol-du-Haut, and the panther for Ogol-du-Bas. Normally, no one is ever harmed by their own totem animal, even if this is a crocodile, as it is for the village of Amani, (where there is a large pool of crocodiles that do not harm any villager). However, a totem animal might exceptionally harm if one has done something wrong. A worshipper is not allowed to eat his totem. For example, an individual with a buffalo as totem is not allowed to eat buffalo meat, but also not allowed to use leather from its skin, nor even to see a buffalo die. If this happens by accident, he has to organise a purification sacrifice at the Binou altar. Boiled millet is offered, and goats and chickens are sacrificed on a Binou altar. This colours the altar both white and red. Binou altars look like little houses with a door. They are bigger when the altar is for an entire village. A village altar has also the ‘cloud hook’, that will catch clouds and make it rain.
  • The twin sect: the birth of twins is a sign of good luck. The enlarged Dogon families have common rituals, during which they evoke all their ancestors back to their origin—the ancient pair of twins from the creation of the world.
  • The Mono sect: the Mono altar is at the entry of every village. Unmarried young men celebrate the Mono sect once a year in January or February. They spend the night around the altar, singing and screaming and waving with fire torches. They hunt for mice that will be sacrificed on the altar at dawn.

Dogon villages

A typical Dogon village.

A Toguna

Dogon villages have different buildings:

  • Male granary: storage place for pearl millet and other grains. Building with a pointed roof. This building is well protected from mice. The amount of filled male granaries is an indication for the size and the richness of a guinna.
  • Female granary: storage place for a woman’s things, her husband has no access. Building with a pointed roof. It looks like a male granary but is less protected against mice. Here, she stores her personal belongings such as clothes, jewelry, money and some food. A woman has a degree of economic independence, and earnings and things related to her merchandise are stored in her personal granary. She can for example make cotton or pottery. The number of female granaries is an indication for the number of women living in the guinna.
  • Tógu nà (a kind of case à palabres): a building only for men. They rest here much of the day throughout the heat of the dry season, discuss affairs and take important decisions in the toguna.[25] The roof of a toguna is made by 8 layers of millet stalks. It is a low building in which one cannot stand upright. This helps with avoiding violence when discussions get heated.
  • House for menstruating women: this house is on the outside of the village. It is constructed by women and is of lower quality than the other village buildings. Women having their period are considered to be unclean and have to leave their family house to live during five days in this house. They use kitchen equipment only to be used here. They bring with them their youngest children. This house is a gathering place for women during the evening. This hut is also thought to have some sort of reproductive symbolism due to the fact that the hut can be easily seen by the men who are working the fields who know that only women who are on their period, and thus not pregnant, can be there.


Main article: Dogon languages

Dogon has been frequently referred to as a single language. In reality, there are at least five distinct groups of dialects. The most ancient dialects being dyamsay and tombo, the former being most frequently used for traditional prayers and ritual chants. The Dogon language family is internally highly diverse, and many varieties are not mutually intelligible, actually amounting to some 12 dialects and 50 sub-dialects. There is also a secret ritual language sigi sǫ (language of Sigi), which is taught to dignitaries (olubarū) of the Society of the Masks during their enthronement at the Sigui ceremony.[26][27] Women have no right to learn Sigui So.

It is generally accepted that the Dogon languages belong to the Niger–Congo language family, though the evidence is weak. They have been linked to the Mande subfamily but also to Gur. In a recent overview of the Niger–Congo family, Dogon is treated as an independent branch.[28]

The Dogon languages show few remnants of a noun class system (one example is that human nouns take a distinct plural suffix), leading linguists to conclude that Dogon is likely to have diverged from Niger–Congo very early. Another indication of this is the subject–object–verb basic word order, which Dogon shares with such early Niger–Congo branches as Ijoid and Mande.

About 1,500 ethnic Dogon in seven villages in southern Mali speak the Bangime language, which is unrelated to the other Dogon languages and presumed to be an ancient, pre-Dogon language isolate.

Dogon and Sirius

Certain researchers investigating the Dogon have reported that they seem to possess advanced astronomical knowledge, the nature and source of which have subsequently become embroiled in controversy. From 1931 to 1956 the French anthropologist Marcel Griaule studied the Dogon. This included field missions ranging from several days to two months in 1931, 1935, 1937 and 1938[29] and then annually from 1946 until 1956.[30]

In late 1946 Griaule spent a consecutive thirty-three days in conversations with the Dogon wiseman Ogotemmêli, the source of much of Griaule and Dieterlen’s future publications.[31] They reported that the Dogon believe that the brightest star in the sky, Sirius (sigi tolo or “star of the Sigui”[32]), has two companion stars, pō tolo (the Digitaria star), and ęmmę ya tolo, (the female Sorghum star), respectively the first and second companions of Sirius A.[33] Sirius, in the Dogon system, formed one of the foci for the orbit of a tiny star, the companionate Digitaria star. When Digitaria is closest to Sirius, that star brightens: when it is farthest from Sirius, it gives off a twinkling effect that suggests to the observer several stars. The orbit cycle takes 50 years.[34] They also claimed that the Dogon appeared to know of the rings of Saturn, and the moons of Jupiter.[35]

Griaule and Dieterlen were puzzled by this Sudanese star system, and prefaced their analysis with the disclaimer, “The problem of knowing how, with no instruments at their disposal, men could know the movements and certain characteristics of virtually invisible stars has not been settled, nor even posed.”[36]

In 1976 Robert K. G. Temple wrote a book called The Sirius Mystery arguing that the Dogon’s system reveals precise knowledge of cosmological facts only known by the development of modern astronomy, since they appear to know, from Griaule and Dieterlen’s account, that Sirius is part of a binary star system, whose second star, Sirius B, a white dwarf, is however completely invisible to the human eye (just as Digitaria has the smallest grain known to the Dogon) and that it takes 50 years to complete its orbit. The existence of Sirius B had only been inferred to exist through mathematical calculations undertaken by Friedrich Bessel in 1844. Temple then argued that the Dogon’s information, if traced back to ancient Egyptian sources and myth, indicates an extraterrestrial transmission of knowledge of the stars.[37] Neither Griaule nor Dieterlen had ever made such bold claims about a putative esoteric source for the Dogon’s knowledge.

More recently, doubts have been raised about the validity of Griaule and Dieterlein’s work.[38][39] In a 1991 article in Current Anthropology anthropologist Walter van Beek concluded after his research among the Dogon that, “Though they do speak about sigu tolo [which is what Griaule claimed the Dogon called Sirius] they disagree completely with each other as to which star is meant; for some it is an invisible star that should rise to announce the sigu [festival], for another it is Venus that, through a different position, appears as sigu tolo. All agree, however, that they learned about the star from Griaule.”[40]

Griaule’s daughter Geneviève Calame-Griaule responded in a later issue, arguing that Van Beek did not go “through the appropriate steps for acquiring knowledge” and suggesting that van Beek’s Dogon informants may have thought that he had been “sent by the political and administrative authorities to test the Dogon’s Muslim orthodoxy.”[41] An independent assessment is given by Andrew Apter of the University of California.[42]

In a 1978 critique, skeptic Ian Ridpath concluded: “There are any number of channels by which the Dogon could have received Western knowledge long before they were visited by Griaule and Dieterlen.”[43] In his book Sirius Matters, Noah Brosch postulates that the Dogon may have had contact with astronomers based in Dogon territory during a five-week expedition, led by Henri-Alexandre Deslandres, to study the solar eclipse of 16 April 1893.[44]

Robert Todd Carroll also states that a more likely source of the knowledge of the Sirius star system is from contemporary, terrestrial sources who provided information to interested members of the tribes.[45] James Oberg however, citing these suspicions notes their completely speculative nature, writing that, “The obviously advanced astronomical knowledge must have come from somewhere, but is it an ancient bequest or a modern graft? Although Temple fails to prove its antiquity, the evidence for the recent acquisition of the information is still entirely circumstantial.”[46] Additionally, James Clifford notes that Griaule sought informants best qualified to speak of traditional lore, and deeply mistrusted converts to Christianity, Islam, or people with too much contact with whites.[47]

Oberg points out a number of errors contained in the Dogon beliefs, including the number of moons possessed by Jupiter, that Saturn was the furthest planet from the sun, and the only planet with rings. Intrigue of other seemingly falsifiable claims, namely concerning a red dwarf star orbiting around Sirius (not hypothesized until the 1950s) led him to entertain a previous challenge by Temple, asserting that “Temple offered another line of reasoning. ‘We have in the Dogon information a predictive mechanism which it is our duty to test, regardless of our preconceptions.’ One example: ‘If a Sirius-C is ever discovered and found to be a red dwarf, I will conclude that the Dogon information has been fully validated.’

This alludes to reports that the Dogon knew of another star in the Sirius system, Ęmmę Ya, or a star “larger than Sirius B but lighter and dim in magnitude.” In 1995, gravitational studies indeed showed the possible presence of a brown dwarf star orbiting around Sirius (a Sirius-C) with a six-year orbital period.[48] A more recent study using advanced infrared imaging concluded that the probability of the existence of a triple star system for Sirius is “now low” but could not be ruled out because the region within 5 AU of Sirius A had not been covered.[49]




  1. Bonnet-Bidaud, J. M.; Pantin, E. (October 2008). “ADONIS high contrast infrared imaging of Sirius-B”. Astronomy and Astrophysics 489: 651–655. arXiv:0809.4871. Bibcode:2008A&A…489..651B. doi:10.1051/0004-6361:20078937.




  • Bertho, J. (1953). “La place des dialectes dogon de la falaise de Bandiagara parmi les autres groupes linguistiques de la zone soudanaise”. Bulletin de l’IFAN 15: 405–441.
  • Hantgan, Abbie (2007) Dogon Languages and Linguistics An (sic) Comprehensive Annotated Bibliography
  • Hochstetler, J. Lee, Durieux, J. A. & E. I. K. Durieux-Boon (2004) Sociolinguistic Survey of the Dogon Language Area. SIL International. online version
  • Williamson, Kay; Blench, Roger (2000). “Niger–Congo”. In Bernd Heine & Derek Nurse. African Languages – an Introduction. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 11–42.